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From outbound investment controls to a record Taiwan arms sale, Washington is signaling a tougher approach toward Beijing.
How the Trump Admin’s Defense Moves Are Increasing Pressure on BeijingPresident Donald Trump recently signed into law the sweeping $901 billion National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for fiscal year 2026. While it covers a wide range of defense and security issues, several provisions have clearly struck a nerve in Beijing.
Beyond a requirement for greater transparency on the wealth of senior Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials, the NDAA contains multiple measures that significantly raise pressure on China across technology, supply chains, and regional security—particularly in Taiwan.

New Restrictions on Outbound Investments

One of the most consequential sections tightens U.S. controls on outbound investment into China. The NDAA codified restrictions on U.S. outbound investment. From artificial intelligence and quantum computing to advanced semiconductors and biotechnology, the NDAA establishes an expansive framework for outbound investment reviews.

Under the new framework, U.S. companies and investors must report transactions that support certain high-risk technologies in China or other “countries of concern.” The Treasury Department is also granted new authority to directly block such deals.

Top law firm Latham and Watkins LLP described the new provisions as a reflection of current bipartisan support in Congress for outbound investment screening on national security grounds.

The NDAA also moves to further strengthen U.S. supply chains. It prohibits the Pentagon and intelligence agencies from contracting with Chinese genetic sequencing and biotechnology companies linked to China’s military or security services.

The act restricts the War Department from sourcing advanced batteries, solar components, computer displays, and critical minerals from designated foreign entities. It also mandates a phased removal of Chinese-made computers, printers, and other equipment from U.S. defense systems.

NDAA’s Provisions on Taiwan

Taiwan features prominently throughout the NDAA. The law authorizes up to $1 billion for the Taiwan Security Cooperation Initiative—an all-time high. It directs the Pentagon to work with Taiwan on joint programs involving unmanned systems and counter-drone capabilities.

The act permits continued joint military training involving the United States, Taiwan, and regional partners in response to Beijing’s malign influence operations. The act also calls for expanded U.S.–Taiwanese coast guard cooperation and allows the deployment of U.S. military personnel to Taiwan to strengthen maritime security, enhance law enforcement coordination, and deter aggression.

Notably, Washington has additional tools in reserve. More hardline proposals—such as the GAIN AI Act and the SAFE Research Act, which would further restrict hostile access to U.S. capital, research, and expertise—were not included in the NDAA. Even without them, however, the measures are already a substantial blow to Beijing.
Just one day before signing the NDAA, the Trump administration approved the largest single arms sale to Taiwan in history, valued at more than $11 billion. The amount exceeds the $8.4 billion in arms sales approved during the Biden administration and amounts to more than half of the $18.3 billion in sales authorized during Trump’s first term.

3 Objectives of the Arms Sale to Taiwan

First, the move directly challenges two pillars of the CCP’s psychological and information warfare: the notion that the United States is an unreliable partner and the claim that a conflict over Taiwan would be determined by a single, decisive strike. The scale of U.S. support sends a clear signal that Washington remains firmly committed to Taiwan’s self-defense and that the island’s military capabilities should not be underestimated.

Second, the arms sale reinforces U.S. alignment with Japan. After Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi said in November that a Chinese attack on Taiwan could constitute an existential threat to Japan—implying potential Japanese military involvement—Beijing reacted sharply with diplomatic pressure, economic retaliation, and military threats.

While Japanese leaders have long acknowledged that “a Taiwan contingency is a Japan contingency,” Beijing has been unwilling to tolerate the open statement of such a notion. By approving an unprecedented arms package for Taiwan, Trump underscored the U.S.–Japan alliance and signaled that Washington stands firmly with its regional allies.

Third, the move serves as a warning to Beijing not to misread U.S. policy through the lens of the Russia–Ukraine war. While Trump has pursued mediation efforts that could be seen as favorable to Moscow, the underlying objective is to end the conflict so the United States can focus its strategic resources on countering China. The Taiwan arms sale makes clear that Beijing should not assume it could emulate Russia’s actions without severe consequences.

Taken together, the NDAA, the record-breaking Taiwan arms sale, and the 2025 National Security Strategy clarify Washington’s strategic direction.

Although the new strategy downplays ideological differences and emphasizes economic security, domestic governance, and a more selective global posture, it continues to identify the CCP as the primary strategic adversary. It places unprecedented emphasis on Taiwan and explicitly states that the United States will build a military capable of preventing aggression anywhere along the first island chain.

These developments underscore a key reality. The Trump administration will not allow the Chinese regime to seize Taiwan by force—a challenge that will define Trump’s second presidency. With many analysts viewing 2027 as a potential turning point for Beijing, deterrence is central to Washington’s strategy.

When considered together, the NDAA, the largest-ever Taiwan arms sale, and the National Security Strategy suggest that the United States is not retreating from its stance toward China, which explains why Beijing appears deeply unsettled.

Michael Zhuang contributed to this report.
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